When US Deputy Special Envoy for the Middle East Morgan Ortagus was born on July 10, 1982, the scene was as follows: Gen. Ariel Sharon’s tanks were surrounding Beirut from all sides and his jets were bombing the capital without mercy. The general of the city at the time was Yasser Arafat, who was championing the Palestinian cause. Arafat sought to fight on for another six months before taking a decision over what to do next, recalled Hani Al-Hassan, who was in the battle.

Back then, Lebanese Prime Minister Shafik Al-Wazzan would contact King Fahd, who would in turn contact Ronald Reagan to secure a drop of water or a spark of electricity to the first Arab capital that Israel ever besieged. Hezbollah had not been born yet, but it would be formed through an Iranian initiative and Syria’s help in wake of the barbaric Israeli invasion.

Back then, Hafez Assad was in power in Syria. The image is different now. His heir, Bashar, is living in “humanitarian” asylum in Russia and Ahmed Al-Sharaa is the new ruler in Syria.

Back then, Beirut realized it had to make a difficult and painful choice: either suffer at the hands of Sharon’s jets or take the advice of the American envoy of Lebanese origin, Philip Habib. The game was obvious. Whenever the city showed resistance, the jets would strike again to discipline it and force it to agree to the US envoy’s conditions.

Initially, the situation was compared to Stalingrad and Hanoi, but the siege and breaking of the balance of power left Arafat and his Palestine Liberation Organization no choice but to flee by ship. And so, the Palestinian cause sailed toward a new exile.

The world has changed immensely since Ortagus’ birth. The Soviet Union collapsed and the world came under the rule of the sole global power: the US. Osama bin Laden launched his attacks on Sept. 11, 2001, Saddam Hussein was toppled in Baghdad and Iranian influence flooded the region. Some two decades later, Hafez Assad’s statues were toppled in Damascus and the leaders of Hamas, including Yahya Sinwar, who launched the Al-Aqsa Flood operation, were assassinated, along with Hassan Nasrallah and several of his Hezbollah colleagues.

When Ortagus arrived in Beirut last week, the “general” of the White House, Donald Trump, had just launched a trade war whose results cannot be predicted by the greatest of experts, a terrified Europe was criticizing America’s betrayal of its allies and China was assessing the extent of the challenge ahead. Meanwhile, small countries were preparing for rising prices of goods, poverty and great unrest.

While Vladimir Putin was rejoicing at his victory in Ukraine, with American blessings, US jets were bombing Houthi rocket caches and tunnels in retaliation for their attacks on Red Sea shipping. The Houthis were deluded into believing that the Americans would simply leave the marine waterways under the control of the factions and their Iranian arsenal.

And at a time when Iran could not save its proxies, Tehran had to reply to Trump’s letter. This is not just about agreeing to dismantle Iran’s nuclear dream, it goes beyond that to abandoning the idea of becoming a major country in the region that boasts about holding the keys to war and peace in four countries. Trump threatened Iran with “very bad things” if it did not surrender the management of the region and its sorrows to the Americans because it has no right to them in its delusion of being a “major country in the region.”

When Ortagus arrived in Beirut, Benjamin Netanyahu’s forces were continuing to tear Gaza apart. No people since the Second World War have suffered as much as the Gazans and more is still to come. Evacuation orders keep coming and Hamas is holding on to the remaining hostages, while Netanyahu turns the whole of Gaza into a hostage that is drowning in blood, rubble and despair. The number of Palestinians who will be released in swaps is far less than the number of graves Netanyahu has dug for the people of Gaza.