When the Thai army seized power in May 2014, it described it as a coup to end all coups. The army had failed to do the job properly during the previous attempt, in 2006, one of the coup leaders told us in 2014. This time we will fix things so we never have to intervene again, he said. The official script of the coup makers was that they intervened to end the crippling political turmoil which had shaken Thailand for most of the previous decade. Less officially though, the junta had two objectives; to secure the first royal succession in 70 years, which, after the death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej in 2016, it did; and to cripple the political movement loyal to ousted former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, which had won every election since 2001. This movement is viewed as an existential threat to the alliance of palace, military and big business that has dominated Thailand for most of its modern history. The election taking place this Sunday in Thailand has to be understood within the context of this last objective. The military's grip on power Far from conceding the political playing field to civilian politicians, the military is campaigning to stay in power, and has tilted the field in its own favour. General Prayuth Chan-ocha, the man who led the coup, and has been prime minister since then, hopes to keep his job. To that end, a new political party, calling itself Palang Pracha Rath (PPRP) - Power of the People's State - was formed last year. t is backed by many officials who have served in the military government, and has co-opted a number of big-name local politicians from other parties. Gen Prayuth is its sole candidate for prime minister, even though parties are allowed to designate three. The military has also drafted a much-criticised constitution, which allows a wholly appointed 250-seat senate to join the vote in parliament for the next prime minister. It has introduced a new voting system which disadvantages Thailand's biggest party, the pro-Thaksin Pheu Thai, by imposing a ceiling on the number of seats it can win. Populists still going strong Despite these clear advantages to the military, the election is being strongly contested. Polls suggest voter turnout will be high. Loyalty to Pheu Thai remains strong in its north and north-eastern heartland, although it is barred from using the names or images of Thaksin or his sister Yingluck, both popular former prime ministers and lacks the rousing policies and personalities of its previous campaigns. The Democrats, traditionally the second-largest party after Pheu Thai and its main rival, have ruled out joining a coalition headed by Gen Prayuth - although they have kept open the option of working with his party - as has the mid-sized party Bhum Jai Thai. And an exciting new player, calling itself Future Forward and headed by a telegenic young billionaire, has joined the fray, promising sweeping reform. Future Forward is proving especially popular with younger Thais; seven million will be eligible to vote for the first time in this election. These factors have cast a shadow over the military's ambition to hold onto power. In polls large numbers of people say they have not made up their minds; given the repressive climate under the military government, many prefer not to say. Gen Prayuth remains personally popular - people like his gruff, straightforward manner, and he has a relatively uncorrupt reputation. But despite efforts to soften his image, with photographs distributed of the normally stern-looking strongman now smiling in pastel-coloured jackets and shirts, he has been reluctant to campaign, and his party has struggled to excite the voters. Its rallies have been low-octane and thinly-attended. AFP.